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PROMPT:When looking at the reforms of the New Deal one can claim there was an influence in their planning from Progressive ideas of the past. Examine New Deal agencies and ideology and answer if the Progressive ideas of society and agencies of the First World War inspired the New Deal and America’s conduct on the home front in World War II. Did both share similar ideologies or was the New Deal distinct in its programs? If inspired by the Progressive movements, how did the New Deal differ in its definition of freedom and role of government in Americans’ lives or in what way did the New Deal differ from Progressive ideals? DETAILED INSTRUCTIONS:For this assignment, you will write a 2-to-4-page paper in response to the following prompt using the primary sources and supporting readings assigned during the course. You are required to cite at least 2 of the sources that you have read for this section. This paper is due at 11:59 PM on Sunday, July 21st. Your paper should be uploaded to Canvas. It will be checked for plagiarism using Turn-It-In.Essays must conform to ALL conventions of formal writing. This means that your essays are expected to be doubled-spaced, 12-point font, grammatically correct, and refer back to the primary documents.Please submit your document as a Microsoft Word file – or a similar word processing file. DO NOT convert the file to a PDF.Format• Your essay should begin with a paragraph that introduces the essay. You should also have a sentence or two that attempts to answers the above questions. These answers are your arguments.• In the body paragraphs of the essay, use examples and evidence from the primary to answer the questions above. • The last paragraph of the paper should be your conclusion. In your conclusion, summarize your arguments you made to answer the question.QuotationsYour answer should be based on material provided to you on Canvas, as well as the assigned reading for this course and in class lectures. DO NOT CONSULT ANY OTHER OUTSIDE SOURCES!!! I do not want to know what Google or Wikipedia tells you about this topic. All the information you need to answer this question can be found in what we have gone over in class.You can quote directly from the primary documents. I am not concerned with formal citations; however, you need to make some effort at showing me what documents you found the quote. You are free to use Chicago, MLA, or APA if you’re comfortable with those citations. If you don’t know any of those, just include the last name of the interviewee and the page number after your quote.EXAMPLE:Armando Lopez said of the Cuban Club, “They give me some kind of assistance in time of sickness and sometimes if I get sick, they give me a small amount of money (Lopez 11).”Don’t forget, you MUST also introduce and contextualize your quotes. You must tell your reader what document you’re quoting.EXAMPLE:• GOOD: Former slaves offered their own definitions of freedom. As Jourdan Anderson explained in a letter to his former master, “here I draw my wages every Saturday night; but in Tennessee there was never any pay-day for the negroes any more than for the horses and cows.” For Anderson, payment for one’s work represented an important part of the transition to freedom.• BAD: Former slaves had their own definitions of freedom. “Here I draw my wages every Saturday night; but in Tennessee there was never any pay-day for the negroes any more than for the horses and cows.”The second example is extraordinarily confusing for your reader. Who are you quoting? Are these your words? Introduce your quotes, and then explain them in your own words.You should also try to avoid extended quotations. In almost all circumstances, you shouldn’t be quoting more than one or two sentences at a time. When you’re trying to quote a longer passage, intersperse your own words as necessary. When we see paragraph-length citations we start to worry that you’re just trying to fill up space…WritingYou should try to give yourself time to write and revise your essay. Take advantage of the resources provided to you by the university. The bridge tutoring program will gladly assist in the writing process. USF also has a wonderful writing studio that will also assist. While they will not write your paper for you, they will help you edit and revise your paper
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Schedule for Classes
Class 1 – Monday, June 24th
Introduction/The Civil War
Class 2 – Wednesday, June 26th
Reconstruction and Retreat
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 96 – Petition of Committee … to Andrew Johnson (1865)
o Document 97 – The Mississippi Black Code (1865)
o Document 101 – Robert B. Elliott on Civil Rights (1875)
• Give Me Liberty
o Chp. 15, pg 564-575, 578-581
• Required Videos
o “The Origins of Lynching Culture in the United States”
Class 3 – Friday, June 28th
The Gilded Age
• Selected Documents (On Canvas)
o Preamble to the Constitution of the Knights of Labor (1878)
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 103 – Andrew Carnegie, “The Gospel of Wealth” (1889)
o Document 104 – William Graham Sumner on Social Darwinism (ca. 1880)
o Document 105 – A Second Declaration of Independence (1879)
• Required Videos
o “Business Growth Strategy – Horizontal and Vertical Integration”
o “Crash Course US History: Gilded Age Politics” & “The Industrial Economy”
o “The Knights of Labor”
o “The Populist Movement”
Class 4 – Monday, July 1st
The Conquest of the West and America as an Empire
• Selected Documents (On Canvas)
o Chief Joseph, Selected Statements, 1877-79
o Benjamin Tillman, “White Man’s Burden as Prophecy” (1899)
o William McKinley, On U.S. Occupation of the Philippines (1899)
o William Graham Sumner, Decries American Imperialism (1899)
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 115 – Aguinaldo on American Imperialism in the Philippines (1899)
• Give Me Liberty
o Chapter 16, pg 613-629, 677-689
• Required Videos
o Crash Course US History: “Western Expansion” & “American Imperialism”
o “Indian Schools”
o “The Chinese Exclusion Act”
o Why Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois Matter”
o “How Southern Socialites Rewrote Civil War History”
Class 5 – Wednesday, July 3rd
The Progressive Era
• Selected documents (on Canvas)
o An Insider’s View of Hull House
o Charles Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics (1915)
o John Muir, “The American Forests” (1901)
o Lincoln Steffens, “Boss Government at Work” (1903)
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 122 – Woodrow Wilson and the New Freedom (1912)
o Document 123 – R.G. Ashley, Unions and “The Cause of Liberty” (1910)
• Give Me Liberty
o Chapter 18, 715-732
• Required Videos
o “Crash Course US History: The Progressive Era” & ”Progressive Presidents”
Class 6 – Friday, July 5th
No Class
*1st Paper Due Sunday, July 7th at 11:59 P.M.*
Class 7 – Monday July 9th
World War I
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 124 – Woodrow Wilson, A World “Safe for Democracy” (1917)
o Document 126 – A Critique of the Versailles Peace Conference (1919)
o Document 129 – Rubie Bond, The Great Migration (1917)
• Give Me Liberty
o P. 734-777
• Required Videos
o “Why Did the US Join WWI”
o “Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points”
o “America’s Home Front During World War I”
o “The 1919 Red Scare – The Craziest Year in US History”
Class 8 – Wednesday, July 10th
The 1920s: Return to Normalcy & The Roaring Twenties
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 132 – André Siegfried on the “New Society” (1928)
o Document 134 – Bartolomeo Vanzetti’s Last Statement in Court (1927)
o Document 135 – Congress Debates Immigration (1921)
o Document 137 – Alain Locke, The New Negro (1925)
o Document 138 – Elsie Hill and Florence Kelley Debate Equal Rights Amendment
(1922)
• Give Me Liberty
o Chp.21, pg 779-809
• Required Videos
o “The Century: America’s Time – the 1920s”
o “The Second Era of the Klan”
Class 9 – Friday July 12th
The Great Depression and the New Deal
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 139 – Letter to Francis Perkins (1937)
o Document 146 – Herbert Hoover on the New Deal and Liberty (1936)
o Document 148 – W.E.B. DuBois, “A Negro Nation Within A Nation” (1935)
• Give Me Liberty
o Chapter 21, pg 818-833, 835-840, 844-859
• Required Videos
o “The Great Depression in Four Minutes”
o “Crash Course US History: The New Deal”
o “Was the New Deal Racist?”
Class 10 – Monday, July 15th
World War II
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 149 – Henry R. Luce, “The American Century” (1941)
o Document 150 – Henry A. Wallace, “The Century of the Common Man” (1942)
o Document 154 – Robert A. Jackson, Dissent in Korematsu v. United States (1944)
• Give Me Liberty
o Chapter 22, pg 881-898
• Required Videos
o “American Life at Home During WWII”
o “WWII Racial Tension on the Homefront”
o How Anti-Mexican Racism in LA Caused the Zoot Suit Riots
o “Montgomery GI Bill and Post-9/11 GI Bill”
Class 11 – Wednesday, July 17th
The Birth of Cold War
**** IN CLASS DEBATE****
• Selected Documents for Debate (on Canvas)
o George Kenan, The Sources of Soviet Conduct (1947)
o Henry Wallace, The Path to Peace (1946)
o Nikolai Novikov, Novikov Telegram (1946)
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 156 – The Truman Doctrine (1947)
o Document 157 – NSC 68 and the Ideological Cold War (1950)
o Document 158 – Walter Lippman, A Critique of Containment (1947)
• Required Videos:
o “Origins of the Cold War”
Class 12 – Friday, July 19th
The Second Red Scare and the Cold War at Home
• Selected Documents [on Canvas]
o Ayn Rand HUAC Transcript [1947]
o Hoey Committee Report [1950]
o The Lavender Scare, Gossip, and Cold War Politics
• Voices of Freedom
o Document 161 – Joseph R. McCarthy on the Attack (1950)
o Document 162 – Margaret Chase Smith, Declaration of Conscious (1950)
• Required Videos:
o “What is McCarthyism”
o “The Lavender Scare – CBS Sunday Morning”
*Second Paper Assignment Due Sunday, July 21, at 11:59pm*

CHAPTER 19

SA F E F OR DE MOCR ACY:
THE UNITED STATES
AND WORLD WAR I
1916–1920
FOCUS QUESTIONS
• In what ways did the Progressive presidents promote the expansion
of American power overseas?
• How did the United States get involved in World War I?
• How did the United States mobilize resources and public opinion for the war
effort?
• How did the war affect race relations in the United States?
• Why was 1919 such a watershed year for the United States and the world?
I
n 1902, W. T. Stead published a short volume with the arresting title The
Americanization of the World; or, the Trend of the Twentieth Century. Stead was
an English editor whose sensational writings included an exposé of L
­ ondon
prostitution, Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon. He would meet his death in
1912 as a passenger on the Titanic, the ocean liner that foundered after striking
734 ★
an iceberg in the North Atlantic. Impressed
by Americans’ “exuberant energies,” Stead
predicted that the United States would soon
emerge as “the greatest of w
­ orld-​­powers.” But
what was most striking about his work was
that Stead located the source of American
power less in the realm of military might or
territorial acquisition than in the country’s
­single-​­minded commitment to the “pursuit
of wealth” and the relentless international
spread of American c­ ulture—​­art, music, journalism, even ideas about religion and gender
relations. He foresaw a future in which the
United States promoted its interests and values through an unending involvement in the
affairs of other nations. Stead proved to be an
accurate prophet.
The ­Spanish-​­American War had established the United States as an international
empire. Despite the conquest of the Philippines and Puerto Rico, however, the country’s
overseas holdings remained tiny compared
to those of Britain, France, and Germany.
And no more were added, except for a strip
of land surrounding the Panama Canal, acquired in 1903, and the Virgin Islands, purchased from Denmark in 1917. In 1900, Great
Britain ruled over more than 300 million
people in possessions scattered across the
globe, and France had nearly 50 million subjects in Asia and Africa. Compared with these,
the American presence in the world seemed
very small. As Stead suggested, America’s empire differed significantly from those of European ­countries—​­it was economic, cultural,
and intellectual, rather than territorial.
The world economy at the dawn of
the twentieth century was already highly
globalized. An ­
ever-​­
increasing stream of
goods, ­investments, and people flowed from
country to country. Although Britain still
• CHRONOLOGY •
1903
United States secures the
Panama Canal Zone
1904
Roosevelt Corollary to the
Monroe Doctrine
1905
The Niagara movement
established
1907
Gentleman’s Agreement
with Japan
1909
National Association for the
Advancement of Colored
People organized
1910
Mexican Revolution begins
1914–
1919
World War I
1915
Lusitania sinks
1916
Madison Grant’s The Passing of the Great Race
Randolph Bourne’s
“­Trans-​­National America”
1917
Zimmermann Telegram
intercepted
United States enters the war
Espionage Act passed
Russian Revolution
1918
Woodrow Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” speech
Eugene V. Debs convicted
under the Espionage Act
1918–
1920
Worldwide flu epidemic
1919
Eighteenth Amendment
Treaty of Versailles signed
1919–
1920
Red Scare
1920
Senate rejects the Treaty of
Versailles
Nineteenth Amendment
1921
Tulsa Riot
•       
SAFE FOR DEMOCRACY: THE UNITED STATES AND WORLD WAR I ★ 735

­ ominated world banking and the British pound remained the major c­ urrency
d
of international trade, the United States had become the leading industrial
power. By 1914, it produced more than o
­ ne-​­third of the world’s manufactured
goods. Already, Europeans complained of an “American invasion” of steel, oil,
agricultural equipment, and consumer goods. Spearheads of American culture
like movies and popular music were not far behind.
Europeans were fascinated by American ingenuity and mass production
techniques. Many feared American products and culture would overwhelm
their own. “What are the chief new features of London life?” one British writer
asked in 1901. “They are the telephone, the portable camera, the phonograph,
the electric street car, the automobile, the typewriter. . . . ​In every one of these
the American maker is supreme.” Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Americans traveled abroad each year in the early twentieth century. And American
racial and ethnic groups became heavily engaged in overseas politics. Through
fraternal, religious, and political organizations based in their ethnic and racial
communities, ­Irish-​­Americans supported Irish independence, American Jews
protested the treatment of their c­ o-​­religionists in Russia, and black Americans
hoped to uplift Africa. American influence was growing throughout the world.
America’s burgeoning connections with the outside world led to increasing military and political involvement. In the two decades after 1900, many
of the basic principles that would guide American foreign policy for the rest
of the century were formulated. The “open door”—the free flow of trade, investment, information, and c­ ulture—​­emerged as a key principle of American
foreign relations. “Since the manufacturer insists on having the world as a market,” wrote Woodrow Wilson, “the flag of his nation must follow him and the
doors of nations which are closed against him must be battered down.”
Americans in the twentieth century often discussed foreign policy in the
language of freedom. At least in rhetoric, the United States ventured ­abroad—​
­including intervening militarily in the affairs of other n
­ ations—​­not to pursue
strategic goals or to make the world safe for American economic interests, but
to promote liberty and democracy. A supreme faith in America’s historic destiny and in the righteousness of its ideals enabled the country’s leaders to think
of the United States simultaneously as an emerging great power and as the
worldwide embodiment of freedom.
More than any other individual, Woodrow Wilson articulated this vision of
America’s relationship to the rest of the world. His foreign policy, called by historians liberal internationalism, rested on the conviction that economic and
political progress went hand in hand. Thus, greater worldwide freedom would
follow inevitably from increased American investment and trade abroad. Frequently during the twentieth century, this conviction would serve as a mask
for American power and s­ elf-​­interest. It would also inspire sincere efforts to
736 ★ CHAPTER 19 Saf e f or Dem oc r ac y: Th e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d W W I
In what ways did the Progressive presidents promote the expansion
of American power overseas?
bring freedom to other peoples. In either case, liberal internationalism represented a shift from the ­nineteenth-​­century tradition of promoting freedom primarily by example, to active intervention to remake the world in the American
image.
American involvement in World War I provided the first great test of Wilson’s belief that American power could “make the world safe for democracy.”
Most Progressives embraced the country’s participation in the war, believing
that the United States could help to spread Progressive values throughout the
world. The government quickly came to view critics of American involvement
not simply as citizens with a different set of opinions, but as enemies of the very
ideas of democracy and freedom. As a result, the war produced one of the most
sweeping repressions of the right to dissent in all of American history. Rather
than bringing Progressivism to other peoples, the war destroyed it at home.
AN ERA OF INTERVENTION
Just as they expanded the powers of the federal government in domestic affairs,
the Progressive presidents were not reluctant to project American power outside the country’s borders. At first, they confined their interventions to the
Western Hemisphere, whose affairs the United States had claimed a special
right to oversee ever since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Between 1901 and
1920, U.S. marines landed in Caribbean countries more than twenty times. Usually, they were dispatched to create a welcoming economic environment for
American companies that wanted stable access to raw materials like bananas
and sugar, and for bankers nervous that their loans to local governments might
not be repaid.
“I Took the Canal Zone”
Just as he distinguished between good and bad trusts, Theodore Roosevelt
divided the world into “civilized” and “uncivilized” nations. The former, he
believed, had an obligation to establish order in an unruly world. Roosevelt
became far more active in international diplomacy than most of his predecessors, helping, for example, to negotiate a settlement of the R
­ usso-​­Japanese
War of 1905, a feat for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Closer to
home, his policies were more aggressive. “I have always been fond of the West
African proverb,” he wrote, “‘Speak softly and carry a big stick.’” And although
he declared that the United States “has not the slightest desire for territorial
aggrandizement at the expense of its southern neighbors,” Roosevelt pursued a
policy of intervention in Central America.
A N ERA O F I N T E RV E N T I O N ★ 737
In his first major action in the
region, Roosevelt engineered the s­ epa-​­
Caribbean
Limon
ration of Panama from Colombia in
Sea
Bay Colon
order to facilitate the construction
Madden
Lake
Locks Gatun
of a canal linking the Atlantic and
Dam
Na
Madden Dam
vig
Pacific Oceans. The idea of a canal
Cha atio
nne n
l
across the ­fifty-​­one-​­mile-​­wide IsthDarien
PANAMA
Gamboa
mus of Panama had a long history. In
Las Cascadas
G
Paraiso
1879–1881, the French engineer FerdiPedro Miguel
Locks
nand de Lesseps attempted to construct
Lake Miraflores
Panama City
Lock
Miraflores Locks
Balboa
such a waterway but failed because
Dam
Canal
of inadequate funding and the toll
Railroad
Gulf of Panama
Panama Canal Zone
exacted on his workers by yellow fever
and malaria. Roosevelt had long been
Constructed in the first years of the twentieth
century, after Theodore Roosevelt helped engia proponent of American naval develneer Panama’s independence from Colombia,
opment. He was convinced that a canal
the Panama Canal drastically reduced the time
would facilitate the movement of naval
it took for commercial and naval vessels to sail
and commercial vessels between the
from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean.
two oceans. In 1903, when Colombia,
of which Panama was a part, refused to
cede land for the project, Roosevelt helped to set in motion an uprising by conspirators led by Philippe ­Bunau-​­Varilla, a representative of the Panama Canal
Company. An American gunboat prevented the Colombian army from suppressing the rebellion.
Upon establishing Panama’s independence, ­Bunau-​­Varilla signed a treaty
giving the United States both the right to construct and operate a canal and sovereignty over the Panama Canal Zone, a ­ten-​­mile-​­wide strip of land through
which the route would run. A remarkable feat of engineering, the canal was the
largest construction project in American history to that date. Like the building of the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s and much construction work
today, it involved the widespread use of immigrant labor. Most of the 60,000
workers came from the Caribbean islands of Barbados and Jamaica, but others
hailed from Europe, Asia, and the United States. In keeping with American segregation policies, the best jobs were reserved for white Americans, who lived
in their own communities complete with schools, churches, and libraries. The
project also required a massive effort to eradicate the mosquitoes that carried
the tropical diseases responsible, in part, for the failure of earlier efforts. When
completed in 1914, the canal reduced the sea voyage between the East and West
Coasts of the United States by 8,000 miles. “I took the Canal Zone,” Roosevelt
exulted. But the manner in which the canal had been initiated, and the continued American rule over the Canal Zone, would long remain a source of tension.
In 1977, as a symbol of a new, noninterventionist U.S. attitude toward Latin
T H E PA N A M A C A N A L Z O N E
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738 ★ CHAPTER 19 Saf e f or Dem oc r ac y: Th e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d W W I
In what ways did the Progressive presidents promote the expansion
of American power overseas?
America, President Jimmy Carter negotiated treaties that led to turning over
the canal’s operation and control of the Canal Zone to Panama in the year 2000
(see Chapter 26).
The Roosevelt Corollary
Roosevelt’s actions in Panama anticipated the f­ull-​­fledged implementation
of a principle that came to be called the Roo­se­velt Corollary to the Monroe
Doctrine. This held that the United States had the right to exercise “an international police power” in the Western H
­ emisphere—​­a significant expansion
of Monroe’s pledge to defend the hemisphere against European intervention.
Early in Roosevelt’s administration, British, Italian, and German naval forces
blockaded Venezuela to ensure the payment of debts to European bankers.
Roosevelt persuaded them to withdraw, but the incident convinced him that
financial instability in the New World would invite intervention from the Old.
In 1904, Roosevelt ordered American forces to seize the customs houses of the
Dominican Republic to ensure payment of that country’s debts to European
and American investors. He soon arranged an “executive agreement” giving
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